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Debunking myths of elite learning
Ross Gittins
November 24, 2004
Private schools are overrated as incubators of excellence, writes Ross Gittins.
In my observation of private schools, there's an unwritten contract between the parents and the school: parents pay huge fees and, in return, the school guarantees kids get to university.
Question is: does it work? Well, if all you want is for your kid to make it to uni, it often does. But if you also want your kid to do well at uni, maybe not.
Various studies have shown that, on average, students from private schools gain higher tertiary entrance ranks (TERs - now known as the universities admission index in NSW) than students from government schools.
According to one study, the average TER was 5.9 percentage points higher for independent schools and 5 percentage points higher for Catholic systemic schools.
But two new studies by Paul Miller, professor of economics at the University of Western Australia, have put that result in a new light. One study, with Rosemary Win, looked at the academic performance of students completing first year at UWA. The other, with Elisa Rose Birch, looked at the performance of students completing first year at another, anonymous large university.
Miller and Win found that, at the end of first year, the order had been reversed. Taking students with the same TER, those from government schools outperformed those from Catholic schools, with the Catholic kids outperforming those from independent schools.
How is this reversal explained? Here, of course, we move from hard statistical facts to the more arguable interpretation of facts.
Researchers argue that private-school students tend to have higher TERs because they enjoy a higher level of confidence in their own ability, because the school environment is more conducive to learning and because their parents have higher aspirations.
It seems, however, that the superior resources and more attentive coaching of non-government schools serve to artificially inflate students' TERs relative to their raw abilities. The private schools' "value-added" is short-lived.
It may be that students from non-government schools have difficulty adjusting to the greater freedom and reduced supervision of university life. It's even been argued that some students from private schools are less enthusiastic because their courses have been selected by their parents.
You discover another reversal when you look at the types of school students attended. Many studies have demonstrated that, in general, students do better in single-sex schools than co-educational schools.
But Miller and Win find that students from co-ed schools tend to get better university grades than those from single-sex schools. Why? Perhaps because they're less flummoxed by getting to uni and discovering the opposite sex.
Note that Miller's two studies look at students' marks out of 100 at the end of first year, averaged over each subject studied. They therefore ignore those students who drop out before the end of first year.
Of course, not everyone who drops out is a drop-out. Some may merely have interrupted their study to spend some time travelling overseas.
But those who fail to complete first year are more likely to be female, to be from rural areas and to have attended rural schools. They're also a bit more likely to have attended an independent school.
The average TER of students who fail to complete first year, however, is only a little lower than that of those who do complete.
Many researchers have found that more educated and wealthier parents have children who, on average, perform better at school. Miller and Win confirm that this carries through to university performance.
It seems, however, that parents' level of education is more significant than their wealth. Research suggests that access to material things - such as nutritious food, comfortable housing and reading materials that stimulate intellectual interests - doesn't have consistent effects on children's learning.
Rather, it's the skills of the mother - measured by the extent of her formal education - that are a critical resource in determining children's achievement.
You probably won't be surprised to hear that female students outperform males in the first year of uni - on average, gaining grades more than 5 percentage points higher, according to Miller and Birch.
What may surprise is that girls' superiority doesn't seem to be the case in other countries.
Miller and Birch find that, on average, students who've been accepted into courses that were only their third or fourth preference get grades 3.4 percentage points lower than those achieving their first or second preference. They're probably less motivated.
Miller and Birch find that students with a low TER, but who come from schools with a high proportion of kids going on to uni, tend to do better than expected in first year. They benefit from an "immersion effect" where the environment lifts them up.
This is to be distinguished from a "reinforcing effect" where students from schools that get good results in the tertiary entrance assessment tend to do better in first year than students from schools with poorer results.
Despite these various quirks, both studies confirm that a student's TER is a good predictor of their success in first year. Miller and Birch estimate that each extra percentage point of TER is associated with an increase of between 0.75 and 1 percentage point in first-year grades.
But even this finding has a twist. All universities have arrangements that permit them to admit a small proportion of school-leavers with TERs below the official cut-off, but only in special circumstances.
Miller and Birch find that, on average, such students get first-year grades 7 percentage points higher than the grades of students above the cut-off.
Special-admission students may be better motivated, but this finding also suggests that uni administrators can pick winners better when they judge applicants by factors other than just their TERs.
We can do better than making the TERs the be-all and the end-all of entrance to a university.
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